70's

星期五, 十一月 16, 2007

中国哪一点令美国人艳羡?

相信中国的老人很快就会和美国老人一样孤独了!

 
 

Sent to you by arnold via Google Reader:

 
 

via 父女专栏--大小眼看美国 by 父女博客 on 11/16/07

  

 

父女博客记者 陈 强 摄影报道

 

"你觉得美国人应该向中国人学习什么?"

 

刚到美国时,对中国感兴趣的牧师Paul曾经问过我这个问题。正当我绞尽脑汁寻找"最佳"答案时,Paul感叹道:"你们中国人对老人很孝敬,老人和子孙在一起,其乐融融,令我们很羡慕!"

 

在国内时,我就听人说过"美国是儿童的乐园,青年的战场,老人的坟场",但对Paul的感慨还是有些意外。尊老是中国的传统美德,难道美国人就不尊敬老人?

 

我开始留心老年人在美国社会中的表现。和中国不同,美国老年人基本上是独来独往,即便七八十岁高龄也是自己开车上商场购物,偶尔能看到老夫老妻搀扶着走在街上,但很少看到老年人和子女一起出现在公共场合。当然,年轻人见到老年人,多半会打声招呼,或给老人开门、让道,倒不见得对老人不尊敬。

 

我到过10多户美国人家做客,多数都只是一对夫妻,孩子大了都不和他们一起住。因为美国人比较独立,许多人到了18岁,宁愿家里空着大房间,也要到外面去租房子住。我的朋友Randy有5个儿子,但目前家里只有最小的两个男孩和他夫妻俩在一起,大的3个虽然都在本地工作或上学,也都还没有结婚,但先后搬到外头住了。

 

我太太在医院上班时认识了一位患晚期肺癌的白人老太太,她丈夫早年去世,出院后就孤身一人住在家里。老太太的女儿在外州工作,只回来陪母亲几天又回去了。平时,是教会的热心人轮流去看望老太太。

 

当然,像这样身边没有亲人照顾的老人可以选择去老人院,但据说那里费用很高,我猜想这位老太太一直独自住在家里,可能和经济状况有关。

 

我在食物银行当志愿者时,认识了一位叫Maurg 的老人(见下图),他听说我对美国老年人的生活感兴趣,便邀请我到他家参观附近的老年社区。

 

这个由宗教组织创办的老年社区规模很大,有百来座小别墅,一座三层的大型老年公寓,和一座老人保健中心。年近8旬的Maurg和太太住在一幢别墅里。他告诉我,这是社区专门出租给没有房子的退休老人住的,每月房租600多美元,比社会上的租金便宜了将近一半。但签约时必须先缴纳一笔9万美元左右的入住金(主要用于房屋的维护),等到退出房子的时候可返还其中的95%。Maurg夫妇的惟一个女儿在外地工作,每年都会带着外甥、外甥女回来和老人团聚。Maurg十分喜爱他的第三代,特地向我展示了印在挂历上的外甥和女朋友的浪漫合影。(见右图)

 

接着Maurg领着我上老年公寓,这里有不同规格的套间供老人选住,公共活动区内餐厅、礼品屋、图书馆、活动室、教堂等一应俱全。Maurg介绍说,住在这里的多半是单身老人。和Maurg熟悉的一位坐在轮椅上的老太太,让我参观了她那50平方米左右的套间――厨房、卧室、客厅、卫生间各一个(见下图),每月租金2179美元,仅含水电、有线电视、班车等费用,并不包括三餐。显然这个公寓的房租比社会上的要高出好几倍,我问这位老太太为何选择住在这里,她说,有两大好处,一是和老人们住在一起,比较热闹;二是这里提供24小时紧急服务,万一有事,也有人照应。我试探着问:"这么一大笔钱,是不是需要孩子们给支付?"老太太坦率地回答:"我自己有退休金,还有一些理财的收入,应该够用。两个儿子都在外地工作,我不想要他们的钱,只希望他们能经常回来看我。"

 

那天下午,许多老年人聚在公寓西头的小教堂为一个刚去世的老人祷告(见上图)。Maurg悲哀地说,这里每个月都有几个认识的老人离去,每次来参加悼念活动,心里都挺难过的。

 

在老人保健中心,看到的又是另一番情形。这里的房间都是单间,像宾馆那样,有的房间还摆着两张床铺(见右图)。居住的基本上是生活不能自理的老人,有不少患有老年痴呆症(见题图),需要专人24小时护理。从中心提供的材料看,费用高得惊人,每天的房费在149美元到164美元之间。我问一位社会工作者:"这么高的费用,老人长期住得起吗?",她回答说,这些老人入住时先要交一大笔钱,等到快花光时,我们会和老人的家属联系,如果实在是经济有困难,我们也会帮忙申请政府补助。这位社工告诉我,老人的最大问题还不是钱,而是寂寞。所以我们经常会主动邀请他们的家属来探望。

 

尽管美国有较为完善的社会福利制度来保障老年人的日常生活,但老年人在情感上与后代失去联系,他们感到无助、孤独,长期与家人分开,享受不到天伦之乐。

 

而传统中国人的生活方式是子孙满堂,这点很令美国老年人羡慕。中美两国老人的晚景截然不同,是中美文化差异使然。许多中国家长心甘情愿地为孩子牺牲自己的一切,因而也希望孩子长大后能够顺从自己,所谓"孝顺"就是这个意思。儒家文化提倡"唯父母是命"、"父母在,不远游",贫困地区的父母更是把生男孩当作自己将来养老的保障。而美国人则认为,培养孩子是一种社会责任而不是自我"牺牲",孩子的回报不是反哺父母,而是努力使自己成才。

 

美国《海外校园》杂志曾经专门就中美"孝道"之不同展开讨论,得出如下结论:中国文化趋于依赖子女,美国文化赞同独立;中国文化敬重长者,美国文化提倡平等;中国文化的孝敬以责任、义务为基础,美国文化的孝敬以自由、尊敬为基础;中国传统社会没有为所有人提供社会福利服务,而美国有比较完善的社会福利保障。

 

中国实行计划生育之后,几代同堂、子孙绕膝的传统家庭已经越来越少。随着老龄化社会的到来,传统的金字塔人口结构将变成倒金字塔,最常见的情景将是一对年轻夫妇要照料两对老人,而两对老人和一对年轻人住在一起在客观上是难以做到的。我想,我们这一代人将来注定是要住进老人院的,到时候不是美国人羡慕我们,而是我们该羡慕美国的社会福利保障制度了。

----------

看看老年公寓的"人性化"服务:

 

 

 和社会上的许多公寓不同,老年公寓允许老人养宠物做伴

 

 

老年公寓图书馆内,特地安装了可放大书本文字的设备,便于老人阅读

 

老年公寓内居然还有儿童活动室,那是为来看望老人的孩子们准备的

 

在老年公寓走道的转角处,装有扩大视野的凹凸镜,避免发生碰撞

 

 这对准备出门的夫妇,挂着老年社区统一印制的胸牌。他们告诉我,"即便走失了,别人也会根据胸牌上的地址把我们送回来"。

 

 


 
 

Things you can do from here:

 
 

彭博社 钱是解开中国众多谜团的钥匙



 
 

Sent to you by arnold via Google Reader:

 
 

via ♥聯合網報@blogger♥ by ♥联合网报♥ on 11/16/07

中国是石油进口国,而且自2002年初以来原油价格乘以五了。中国进口的其他商品(例如铜)的价格也在过去几年激增。为什么这些没有在中国的经常账户盈余上留下痕迹?这是奇事一。

  一个国家的进口往往随国内经济增长而增长,而且出口的增长和世界其他地方的增长保持一致。以此逻辑,中国(增长得比那些购买中国商品的国家快)的经常帐户应该有点衰退。为什么出现相反的结果呢?这是奇事二。

  一个国家的经常帐户盈余代表国内储蓄相对当地投资过剩。最近几年,中国的本地投资兴旺。然而,经常帐并没有变坏。中国是怎么处理的呢?这是奇事三。

  经济学家曾以似是而非的臆测寻求分别解开这些谜团。然而,曾在1991至2001年担任国际货币基金会首席经济学家、如今是华盛顿彼得森国际经济研究所(Peterson Institute for International Economics)高级研究员的穆萨(Michael Mussa)认为,可能有一个解释可以解开所有这些谜团。

  穆萨在最近的研究中把中国的收支平衡视为一种货币现象,一种适合于挂钩货币的国家的办法。人民币出于实际目的,仍然和美元绑在一起,自从2005年7月的小幅升值以来仅上涨9%。

  关键点是:假定中国居民对购买力(货币量和银行存款)的需求随经济扩张上涨,那么中国货币当局就有压力制造更多的钱。但基本货币供应量是中央银行的责任,必须与国内和国外资产相配合。那么央行应该升哪个呢?

  如果它从银行购买国内资产(政府债券),它可以给予人们他们想要的钱。这是在发达国家发生的事情,而且当经济增长超过潜力时,他们得到了通胀。但在快速发展的发展中国家(最突出的是中国),央行的办法是购买外国资产,即美国债券,以防止货币的升值。由于由此产生的基本货币增长可能触发通胀,伴随的做法是"冲销(sterilization)":央行出售本地债券,拒绝给予人们想要的购买力。

  穆萨认为这就是中国发生的事情。穆萨表示,中国人民银行在2003年年底到2006年期间增加了价值5.5万亿元人民币的外汇储备。在此期间,它削减净国内资产3万亿元人民币。这样,中国居民就孤立无援了。他们别无选择,只能期待存足够的钱以获得他们想要的购买力。

  居民获钱的另一种办法是接入外国资本流。在美国,次贷借款人可以从德国银行获得资本,但中国不是这样,中国的金融体系更为封闭。

  银行信贷可以把外国资本导入当地借款人。在中国,大型国有企业和那些生产可出口产品的公司更容易获得银行信贷。因此它们狂热地投资。

  净结果是投资高,储蓄更高,低消费,有超过1.4万亿的外汇储备,尽管进口商品价格上涨,经常帐仍然涨鼓鼓的。所有这些都同时发生,因为央行在压制人们对货币的需求。

  穆萨的分析止于2006年。此后发生了什么?似乎更是如此。

  第三季度的GDP增长率为11.5%,10月的通胀率达6.5%,可预计中国人民银行吝啬基本货币。

  在今年的上半年,尽管名义GDP增长16%,外汇储备上涨了20%,但基本货币扩张6%。除非中国允许人民币升值速度明显加快,回避大量堆积外汇储备的需要,否则这将是人们储蓄更多的好机会,而且2008年经常账户盈余将进一步膨胀。

  或者中国经济将面临硬着陆,对货币的需求将回落。对中国和世界而言,这是更加痛苦的事。

  如果你觉得布什政府对付中国经历了艰难时刻,那白宫的下一位主人可能更艰难。(作者 Andy Mukherjee)

Money Is Key to Solving Many of China's Puzzles: Andy Mukherjee

By Andy Mukherjee

Nov. 15 (Bloomberg) -- China is an oil importer and crude prices have quintupled since early 2002.

Prices of other commodities imported by China -- such as copper -- have shot up, too, in the past few years.

Why have they failed to make any dent into China's current- account surplus, which may widen to a staggering 12 percent of gross domestic product this year?

That's Mystery No. 1.

A country's imports tend to increase in tandem with its domestic economy, and exports rise in line with expansion in the rest of the world. By that logic, China, growing faster than any major economy that buys Chinese goods, ought to have seen some deterioration in its current account.

How did it end up with the opposite outcome?

That's Mystery No. 2.

The current-account surplus of a country represents an excess of domestic savings over local investments. The latter have boomed in China in recent years. And yet, the current account hasn't worsened. How has China managed to engineer such a rise in national thrift, which by now must equal almost half of its GDP, to finance its growing hunger for investments?

That's Mystery No. 3.

Economists have advanced plausible hypotheses that seek to solve each of these mysteries separately.

However, there might be a single explanation for all these riddles, says Michael Mussa, chief economist at the International Monetary Fund from 1991 to 2001 and now a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington.

Monetary Approach

In a recent study, Mussa looks at China's balance of payments as a monetary phenomenon, an approach ideally suited to countries with pegged currencies, and the Chinese yuan, for all practical purposes, is still tied to the U.S. dollar, having risen just 9 percent since a small revaluation in July 2005.

The key idea is this: Assuming Chinese residents' demand for purchasing power -- the sum of currency and bank deposits -- is rising in tandem with economic expansion, there's growing pressure on the Chinese monetary authority to create more money.

But base money -- the sum of currency and reserves that banks keep with the monetary authority -- is the central bank's liability and must be matched by its domestic and foreign assets.

So which of the two should the central bank increase?

If it buys domestic assets -- government bonds -- from banks, it gives people the money they want. This is what happens in developed countries; and this is how they get inflation when the economy grows above its potential.

Suppressing Monetary Base

But in fast-growing developing countries, most notably China, the approach of the central bank is to buy foreign assets -- say, U.S. Treasuries -- to prevent appreciation in the currency. Since the resultant growth in base money may spark inflation, an attendant practice is ``sterilization'': The central bank sells local bonds to deny people the purchasing power they want.

This is what Mussa says has happened in China.

The People's Bank of China added the equivalent of 5.5 trillion yuan ($740 billion) to its foreign reserves between the end of 2003 and 2006. In this period, it whittled down its net domestic assets by 3 trillion yuan, Mussa says.

This left Chinese residents high and dry. They had no option except to save more to get the purchasing power they want.

High Savings, Investments

The only other alternative for residents to acquire money was by tapping foreign capital flows. But unlike in the U.S., where a subprime-mortgage borrower can access capital from a German bank (and land it in trouble), China's financial system is much more closed, Mussa says.

Bank credit, which can channel foreign capital to local borrowers, is more readily available in China to large state- owned enterprises and to those companies that make exportable goods, which are quite profitable because of a favorable exchange rate. So they invest with abandon.

The net result is high investments, even higher savings, low consumption, more than $1.4 trillion in foreign-exchange reserves and a bloated current-account surplus despite a rise in the price of imported commodities. All of this is happening simultaneously because the central bank is repressing people's demand for money.

Mussa's analysis stops in 2006. What has been happening since then? More of the same, it seems.

With GDP growing at an annual pace of 11.5 percent in the third quarter and the inflation rate rising in October to 6.5 percent, the highest in a decade, the People's Bank of China is predictably stingy with base money.

Hard Landing?

In the first half of this year, base money expansion was 6 percent even as nominal GDP grew 16 percent and foreign-exchange reserves jumped by a fifth. Unless China allows significantly faster appreciation in the yuan, obviating the need for large accretion in foreign reserves, there's a good chance that people will save even more and the current-account surplus will bloat even further in 2008.

Either that or China's economy will have a hard landing and demand for money will ebb. That will be more painful to both China and the world.

If you think George W. Bush's administration had a tough time dealing with China, the next occupant of the White House may have it worse.

(Andy Mukherjee is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.)

To contact the writer of this column: Andy Mukherjee in Singapore at amukherjee@bloomberg.net .

 
 

Things you can do from here: